Work Ethos Across Cultures 

The perception of the value, purpose, and significance of work has evolved throughout history and varies across different cultural contexts.

In the Western world, the approach to work has been significantly shaped by two major revolutions: the emergence of the Protestant work ethic, which associated financial prosperity with God’s blessings, and the widespread shift to wage labor during the industrial era. Since the Industrial Revolution, the majority of people in Western societies have been working outside their homes or farms to earn a living. Another transformative period in the West was the transition to a service and knowledge-based economy.

In China, the interaction with European entrepreneurship several centuries ago had a significant impact on work perceptions. This interaction, however, highlighted the robust Chinese work ethic rooted in Confucian philosophy, which regards work with the highest respect. In Arab nations, religion has profoundly influenced the approach to work. However, unlike other cultures, in the Arab context work is not linked to virtue nor is it a prerequisite for salvation. A notable example of a shifting approach to work is seen in Poland, which underwent economic privatization after the socialist era, leading to revolutionary alterations in the work ethos. This economic transition prompted a significant reevaluation in Poland concerning the value and purpose of work.

The underlying worldviews and historical transformations play a crucial role in shaping work ethics. It is insightful to scrutinize the approach to work in culturally diverse regions like China, Arab countries, and the West, or to investigate the situation of Poland, a post-socialist nation whose work ethic evolved with economic changes. This understanding is particularly crucial in the current times, as the West grapples with numerous societal challenges such as hedonism, consumerism, and the glorification of youth. The prevalence of infantilism in modern Western culture not only jeopardizes the functioning of society but also undermines the efficacy of the capitalist system, which has been a cornerstone of political and economic success. However, there is a growing uncertainty about which approach to work will prevail in the coming decades in the West. This uncertainty is compounded by the inevitable clash with a more centralized and authoritarian, yet efficient and effective, Chinese system. Additionally, the global market is being inundated with thousands of workers from countries like India or Bangladesh, as well as from across Africa and Muslim-majority nations, making the collision of different work ethics a palpable reality in our globalized world.

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Working for the Sake of Work in China

According to historian and Harvard and Oxford professor Niall Ferguson, author of “Civilization: The West and the Rest,” the work ethic rooted in Protestantism was one of the key factors that enabled Europe, from the cusp of the 15th and 16th centuries, to establish its economic dominance globally. Europeans even managed to subordinate vast, populous, and economically robust regions, such as China and India. As a result, two centuries ago, Chinese traditionalism and routine, coupled with the state’s authoritarian control, surveillance, and censorship, gave way to European entrepreneurship and the ensuing obsession with continuous repair and improvement. In Europe, the imperative of work emerged from a systemic scarcity of goods and the demand for consumption. In the Western world, survival was ensured by acquiring resources, which could be obtained not only through work but also from the spoils of war, conquests, and exploitation of natural resources. Conversely, in Asia, the survival strategy was centered on work itself.

In Chinese culture, particularly in Confucian philosophy, work is seen as the sole source of wealth. For many Chinese, work is not only a value in itself but also a spiritual good. The Chinese, both in the past and present, denounce work avoidance and laziness, viewing work as a component that imparts meaning to life. Naturally, this perspective can sometimes lead to what may be considered pathologies from a Western standpoint. In contemporary China, people typically start work between 8-9 am and continue until 10 pm, even on Saturdays, despite it being officially a day off.

Over time, it appears that capitalism has only bolstered Confucian principles: acknowledging the family as the essential social and economic unit, honoring parents and the elderly, venerating authority and power, sacrificing personal needs for the benefit of the family, clan, and society, postponing immediate gratification to ensure legacy and continuity, and censuring idleness. 

Today, the Confucian advice that one should engage in work most aligned with one’s abilities and preferences to fully satisfy one’s needs and realize one’s plans seems remarkably modern. Achieving a harmonious life necessitates selecting a profession that resonates as a calling. Could it be that the Protestant work ethic has run its course in the West and is faltering in its clash with China’s Confucian economics? In most developed Western nations, the belief in the primacy of work in human life is waning, coinciding with a noticeable decline in Protestant ethics. It raises a valid question: how will the West navigate the separation from an ideology that has steered it for the past four centuries?

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The Decline of Asceticism, the Decline of the West?

From a historical standpoint, the impact of Protestant ethics on the work ethic in the West was indeed profound. In the 16th century, the proliferation of Protestantism in Western Europe popularized the belief in the necessity of systematic work by individuals. This belief was the cornerstone of individual success and, on a broader scale, the triumph of capitalism. Martin Luther, the father of the Reformation, introduced the notion of profession as a calling, incorporating work into theological discourse. Furthermore, the Calvinist doctrine of predestination led to the social perception of wealthy individuals as “closer to God and chosen for salvation.” For Protestants, success, reflected in the accumulation of material wealth, was not the objective but merely a “sign of being chosen,” of being predestined for salvation. Accumulated wealth was regarded by Protestants as an indication of God’s favor. Therefore, earning money enabled an individual to “dispel the fear of salvation.”

This perception of the value of work was further embedded in society by the education system, particularly through the initial Prussian model of the “Bismarckian” school. This school was designed to train most students, not so much in education, but in the ability to obey and adapt to life within a social hierarchy. Conventional education was narrowed down to a set of instructions focused on immediate results and short-term gains. This approach helped cement a system of bourgeois values and ideals, where the objective of life became stable employment and a steady income.

Paradoxically, as wealth became more widespread and a social welfare system was established, guaranteeing political stability, Protestant values started to wane in significance, particularly in Europe. With nearly everyone having adequate means to live decently, it became difficult to maintain the belief that only the wealthier were favored by God. The stark dichotomy between the chosen wealthy and the condemned poor ceased to exist.

Puritanical asceticism, initially strictly religious, started evolving into a secular behavioral code. The pervasive bourgeois ethos became a repository of so-called minor virtues, the adherence to which was essential for the proper functioning of individuals in a modernizing Western society. According to one of the founding fathers of the United States, Benjamin Franklin, there were thirteen such virtues: temperance, silence, order, resolution, frugality, industry, sincerity, justice, moderation, cleanliness, tranquility, chastity and humility. 

However, the widespread embrace of accelerated credit consumption in capitalism ultimately contradicted the ascetic ethics of Protestantism. The cornerstone of capitalism is the presumed perpetual growth in consumption, which is incompatible with asceticism and frugality. In the West, the decline of the ethos of systematic work began, giving way to the ethos of earning (and spending) money.

The West continues to lead in the realm of research and development, owing to its politically endorsed principles of openness, freedom and competition. However, it concurrently faces significant societal challenges within its cultural domain: consumerism, hedonism, and the so-called juvenilization of culture, all of which are evident in an exaggerated reverence for youth. On one side, residents of the Western world, due to favorable economic conditions and medical advancements, are living longer, which in turn is resulting in an aging society. Conversely, in terms of attitudes, behaviors, lifestyle, and self-discipline, Westerners opt for a childlike existence, shirking burdens and responsibilities. Celebrities in the mass media flaunt the appearance and behavior of young adults despite their advancing age. This trend indicates a broader infantilization of attitudes and ways of thinking in the West, characterized by a widespread preference for ease over difficulty, impulsivity over caution, play over work, image over substance, emotions over reason, and a quest for immediate satisfaction. The trivialization and tabloidization of public discourse have become the norm.

This prevalence of infantilism in contemporary Western culture endangers not only the functionality of society but also the efficacy of the capitalist system. According to Benjamin Barber, author of “Consumed,” this peril is directly linked to the erosion of traditional virtues. The ethos of infantilization, coupled with the ideologies of privatization, brand commodification, and homogenization of tastes, fuels consumer capitalism but at the cost of both civic virtues and Western civilization. Many modern Western societies are now depleting resources amassed by preceding generations.

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The Arab Emphasis on Spiritual Over Material

A society’s perception of physical labor is a key factor that shapes its overall approach to work. In the case of Arab countries, three major Eastern civilizations (Arab, Turanian, Brahmin) fundamentally endorse “physical indolence,” placing a higher value on self-development, and particularly on the pursuit of God over the acquisition of material possessions. The Quran does not include an explicit directive to work. Work is seen as a penalty for sin and, consequently, carries the nature of atonement, linked with the suffering that arises from enduring hardship and burden. It is only deemed acceptable in light of the eternal reward in paradise. In this context, work is an externally imposed necessity.

Conversely, work serves as a means to support life; however, those who already possess the necessary resources are not obliged to work, as work is neither a virtue nor a prerequisite for salvation. Although the Quran does not categorize work as an essential evil, the depiction of the blissful state of the saved might lead one to infer as much. Salvation is equated with unending, eternal repose, tranquility, and the cessation of labor. Paradise is envisioned as a realm where every human sense is immersed in the most profound pleasure, and the individual, now at ease, is not required to exert any effort. Eternal bliss stands in contrast to the drudgery of work, epitomizing the delight of inaction, leisure and sensory experience.

Muslims do not equate the primary purpose of human activity with work. The temporal reality is a place of trial, a journey leading to the ultimate goal – salvation – through the adherence to legal norms. While Latin civilization anchors social development around work, Islamic culture centers collective activity and effort around the battle against sin and imperfection. However, in Arab thought, acquiring knowledge, which allows control over nature, has always been particularly valuable. It is worth noting that contemporary Muslims are interested in technical and scientific achievements and pursue studies in technical fields. Intellectual and creative work is mainly justified in the context of the fundamental purpose of life – serving God. Science and work alone do not constitute the primary task of humans on earth, but inventions and conveniences are good because they save time that can be devoted to God.

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In Poland Changes, Changes, Changes

Modern Polish society, shaped after World War II, has predominantly peasant roots, which determined the dominant work ethic in Poland. For Polish peasants, land, family, and work – especially on their own – carried an element of sanctity. Respect was accorded to work around the land and the farm because the survival of the family and local community depended on it. For this reason, large numbers of people from rural areas employed in socialist workplaces initially did not feel obliged to diligence and hard work. For peasants, the socialist establishment and socialist wages represented a modern form of servitude. Shirking, and preserving energy for work on their own, indicated wisdom and resourcefulness. A different situation prevailed only in Silesia, which had long been subject to Protestant work ethics. Work, being the basis of maintenance, and especially physical work, was in this mining region a source of social respect. Therefore, the proximity of resources was not the only reason foundries and massive factories were located there.

Conversely, work driven by ideological motives, for the reconstruction of the country, almost voluntarily, was characteristic of the Polish intelligentsia. This aligned perfectly with the cultural tradition of “basic work” and “organic work”.

A significant and widespread decline in the work ethic emerged in Poland in the 1980s. The depreciation of the zloty and supply shortages meant that increased effort simply did not translate to economic sense. At the end of socialism, Poles valued good relations with colleagues and superiors more than the work process itself. Entrepreneurship manifested outside formal employment. Any side jobs, trips abroad during which one could earn more than during regular work, were respected and popular sources of income. This resulted in a total collapse of ethical norms both at work and outside of it. Mediocrity and shoddiness in work became proverbial in the 1980s (“whether you stand or lie down, you get 1500 zloty”).

As a result, the systemic transformations after 1989 were a shock for many Poles, from which they are still recovering. The economic reform introduced by the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the so-called Balcerowicz reform, initiated the privatization of the economy, which initially led to a decline in the standard of living and a widespread feeling of uncertainty about economic survival. Unemployment, a market economy, and the highlighting of social inequalities led to both economic growth and polarization of society. Although almost everyone was wealthier than in the 1980s, the awareness of economic temporariness deprived many Poles of dignity and a sense of control over their lives.

Research conducted in the second half of the 1990s indicated an increased importance of work in the lives of Poles (Derczyński, Falkowska, 2000; Swadźba, 2001). After family, work was ranked second in the value system, followed by faith in God, material well-being, and free time. This represented a significant shift in the perception of the value of work. Poles had recovered from the shock of unemployment, and the demands of private employers instilled discipline and respect for work.

Conversely, the increase in wealth, particularly after Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004, led to a growing desire for work to be not only profitable but also a means of self-fulfillment. Poles began to place greater emphasis on this aspect of work. The value of self-fulfillment in work is especially important for highly educated young people (Swadźba, 2008).

Today, for the middle generation of Poles, work is highly valued and provides a sense of purpose. Conversely, younger employees seek well-paid, creative work, or deliberately choose jobs that barely cover living expenses to pursue fulfillment in their personal lives. In terms of work attitude, Poles are polarized, reflecting a true integration into modern Western civilization.

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The Future Ahead

In the future, the West will be challenged by a confrontation with a more centralized and authoritarian, yet efficient and effective Chinese system. While the work ethic is also characteristic of other Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea, both are currently facing crises. South Korea is experiencing shocks as it transitions from a government-controlled economy to a more decentralized capitalist one. The significant crisis of state-private conglomerates – known as chaebols – at the end of the 1990s and rising consumer expectations somewhat hindered Korean expansion. Meanwhile, Japan, after the tremendous boom of the 1980s, has been mired in a prolonged economic crisis for subsequent decades. The country and its society remain wealthy, but adverse demographic processes and high labor costs burden the economy.

Japan’s example demonstrates that, unlike the West, the enrichment of workers does not automatically lead to a reduction in effort or a search for meaning outside of work. It is crucial to recognize the varying work ethics across different cultures and the significant impact of economic and historical changes on them. However, it is uncertain which approach to fulfilling duties will prevail in the coming decades. It is important to note that thousands of workers from countries such as India, Bangladesh, and Africa are already part of the global market. While they have worked hard to survive, they are also beginning to become consumers. The development of artificial intelligence will undoubtedly significantly impact changing attitudes towards work in societies. Undoubtedly, the next revolutions in work methods and ethos are still on the horizon.

Published by

Anna Wolska

Author


Journalist, editor, theatrologist. A long-time collaborator of leading titles of the Polish opinion-forming press.

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